Wolf’s howl? Chinese diplomats return to ‘Wolf Warrior’ diplomacy

There is an old saying that “while the lion is the king of the jungle, the wolf doesn’t perform in the circus”, which seeks to highlight the unpredictable and often dangerous nature of the wolf, even for skilled experts.

While it might seem like an odd analogy, many public policy and strategic policy experts around the world have long believed that they more than suitably prepared for the rise of China and its increasingly belligerent attempts to economically, politically, and strategically coerce regional and global powers.

It is now clear that even in the hands of skilled diplomats, politicians, and strategic minds, the threat posed by the People’s Republic of China was minimised by academics, economists, policymakers and, in many cases, the public, in favour of the economic prosperity and growth provided by the rising superpower.

Australia, in particular, is coming to realise that the “shortcuts” we have taken over the last three decades have not only resulted in a rapid and dangerous hollowing out of our national economic and industrial base, but it has come increasingly at the cost of national security and resilience, something, in the aftermath of COVID-19’s devastating impact, we are now all too aware of.

The relationship between Australia and China has, in the last few years in particular, been one characterised by tension, competition, and often thinly veiled verbal threats, culminating in dangerous military manoeuvres in the South China Sea, a recent “attack” on Australian Navy divers, and repeated active attempts to economically coerce Australia to comply with Beijing’s view of the world.

Now, Beijing’s firebrand, “wolf warrior” ambassador to Australia, Xiao Qian, has issued renewed warnings to Australia, flying in the face of Prime Minister Anthony Albanese’s optimism and reassurance that the bilateral relationship was “normalising” following the “damage done” under the previous government.

Taiwan, divers, the South China Sea, we have a hotbed of issues

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It is no secret that the recent Taiwanese election and the re-election of the incumbent Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in mid-January has rattled some cages both in Beijing and across the region, given the DPP’s stance on Taiwanese independence and the cross-strait status quo.

Serving as the most recent point of contention between Australia and China are Prime Minister Albanese’s comments following the re-election of the DPP, where he said, “The political party that was in power is still in power and our ­position has not changed. We congratulate the new leadership, the transition that has occurred through a democratic process, and we respect democratic processes. We do that while maintaining our clear bipartisan position, which is there in place for a One China policy.”

This response has drawn the attention of the Chinese ambassador to Australia, Xiao Qian, who stressed that Beijing wanted to, “move beyond stabilisation, move beyond improvement, and move towards further development of our bilateral relationship”.

Seemingly optimistic, hopeful in intent, right? Well yes, but also no.

Yet, Qian’s colleague, Zhang Hua, fanned flames of competition and tension over the Taiwanese election results, stating, “We [call on] relevant parties to stop making troubles in front of China’s doorsteps and to work with the Chinese side to preserve the momentum of improving and growing China-Australia ties.”

Adding further fuel, Qian expressed the resolute and “immoveable" position of the Chinese government on the One China policy and the Taiwan question, saying, “On the question of Taiwan, there is no room at all for us to show flexibility or to make compromise because it involves China’s sovereignty and political integrity.”

These statements highlight the precarious position Australia finds itself in, as it seeks to balance the economic, strategic, and diplomatic relationships that are sensitive to say the least.

Final thoughts

For Australia, the potential for conflict over Taiwan, no matter the scale, presents an immense challenge and indeed, threat to our way of life, even if only confined to a blockade.

Accordingly, it is critical for us to understand that Australia’s security, prosperity, and stability will not be determined by events in Europe, nor will they be determined by circumstances in the Middle East. While they may influence circumstances, our national future will not be determined by these areas.

Equally, only by recognising the relative decline of the United States and accepting that the United States has limitations in the face of this new, multipolar world can Australia truly begin to take stock of the challenges of operating in this increasingly multipolar world.

It is important to highlight that in the coming era of multipolarity, Australia will face an increasingly competitive Indo-Pacific. Indeed, separate to the People’s Republic of China, our immediate region is home to some of the world’s largest populations with its fastest growing economies with their own unique designs and economic, political, and strategic ambitions for the region.

Rather, we have to accept that while the world is increasingly becoming “multipolar”, the Indo-Pacific, in particular, is rapidly becoming the most hotly contested region in the world. Underpinned by the emerging economic, political, and strategic might of powers like China, India, Pakistan, Thailand, Vietnam, and the established and re-emerging capability of both South Korea and Japan, in particular, are serving to create a hotbed of competition on our doorstep.

Recognising this array of challenges and opportunities, both the Australian public and its policymakers need to look beyond the myopic lens that has traditionally dominated our diplomatic, strategic, and economic policymaking since Federation.

As I have said multiple times before, we need to see Australia begin to play the long game to fully capitalise on the opportunities transforming the Indo-Pacific.

The most important questions now become, when will we see a more detailed analysis and response to the challenges and opportunities facing Australia? And when will we see both a narrative and strategy that better helps industry and the Australian public understand the challenges faced and opportunities we have presented before us?

Get involved with the discussion and let us know your thoughts on Australia’s future role and position in the Indo-Pacific region and what you would like to see from Australia’s political leaders in terms of partisan and bipartisan agenda setting in the comments section below, or get in touch at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. or at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..