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Peace, stability and President Harris

Opinion: Not since the Cold War has the US-led global order been under such immense pressure. With an impending election, how will global peace and stability fare under a Harris-Walz administration?

Opinion: Not since the Cold War has the US-led global order been under such immense pressure. With an impending election, how will global peace and stability fare under a Harris-Walz administration?

Late last week, like the political junky that I am, I tuned in to watch US Vice President and presidential hopeful Kamala Harris address the Democratic National Convention (DNC) in Chicago.

Like any political wonk, I have kept up with Vice President Harris’ various political appearances as best I could, going back to her failed presidential bid in 2020 where she came off second best to retired Hawaiian congresswoman, former vice chair of the Democratic National Committee and US Army Reserve Lieutenant Colonel Tulsi Gabbard.

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Then over the last four years, I’ve gawked at the incoherent policy governing the US southern border, the ongoing war in Ukraine, the US national debt and state of the economy, and then, of course, the hotbed of division that is the domestic political debate where I would finally become “What can be, unburdened by what has been”.

While impressive on paper, Vice President’s rather lacklustre polling history therefore comes as little surprise, representing a far cry from the party of Franklin Delano Roosevelt or John F. Kennedy (who I personally more align with). It remains to be seen if she is what the US and global order need.

Writing on US politics is challenging. By now, some readers will be finger-pointing, calling me pro-Trump. Others will accuse me of being too aligned with the “mainstream media” and maligning Trump.

So I will be very clear, this is a dispassionate, non-partisan analysis of Harris’ politics, her rhetoric and her campaign record thus far and extrapolating it into what it means for a potential Harris administration both for the United States and the broader, post-Second World War economic, political and strategic order.

Issues with the brief and internal politics

Despite being an educated professional, Harris has failed to demonstrate that she is across the brief when it comes to complex international relations and security matters.

Case in point is the childlike explanation of Russia’s illegal and immoral invasion of Ukraine on a radio talk show, describing the situation as, “So, Ukraine is a country in Europe. It exists next to another country called Russia. Russia is a bigger country. Russia is a powerful country. Russia decided to invade a smaller country called Ukraine. So, basically, that’s wrong.”

Though some may argue that this oversimplification was necessary to communicate to the average voter, it didn’t stop Harris from using dumb politics as a tool to attack her opponent. In particular, suggesting that she will stand up to aggression by Russia, Iran and North Korea who are “rooting for Trump … because, you know, they know – they know he is easy to manipulate with flattery and favours. They know Trump won’t hold autocrats accountable because he wants to be an autocrat himself”.

This brings me to the first of my major concerns. Harris has expressed only two international relations and defence policy priorities: the first has been to negatively campaign on Trump’s hesitancy towards conflict, the Abraham Accords and the former administration’s attempts at stabilising relations with belligerent nations. And second, to distance herself from the outgoing Biden-Harris administration’s record on security (ironic).

Beginning with the first point, it is interesting that the same party which lambasts Trump’s position of dialogue with the leaders of Russia, China and North Korea (all nuclear powers) rightfully applauded the record of John F. Kennedy for his preference to engage in dialogue with Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev during the Cold War.

After all, Trump has been very clear, vocal and decisive in the enforcement of his “red lines” and the repercussions for crossing those red lines, as Kennedy was with Khrushchev during the 13 days of the Cuban Missile Crisis. So why the double standard?

Now for the second point, many “right-aligned” commentators have been quick to point out that the Biden-Harris administration is, for all intents and purposes, a continuation of the Obama administration. No doubt, “business as usual” was necessitated by the observable cognitive decline of President Biden.

I will not engage with such rhetoric, however, it is hard to avoid the comparisons. Russia’s initial invasion of the Donbas in 2014 followed warnings by former US presidential hopeful Mitt Romney that Russia will challenge the US and NATO’s security interests, provoked by the Obama administration’s weakness.

For the record, President Obama responded with “the 1980s called, they want their foreign policy back”.

A similar exploitation of perceived US weakness can be observed win Israel. Between 2008–15, Israel came under attack from Gaza and Lebanon multiple times – in particular in 2021, 2014 and 2015.

History doesn’t repeat itself, but it often rhymes.

But all of these factors pale in comparison to my concerns about the influence of domestic politics, and what many are now referring to as a vacuous and shallow “vibes campaign” dominated by social media trends including “brat summer”.

Brat girl summer, a campaign of ‘vibes’ and the dangers associated with ‘proving herself’

First things first, I’ll have to define “Brat Girl Summer” because if I had to endure the vapid and pointless information, you, my dear reader, should as well.

The concept of “Brat Girl Summer” comes from British singer Charli XCX, who described it as, “just like that girl who is a little messy and likes to party and maybe says some dumb things sometimes, who feels herself, but then also maybe has a breakdown, but kind of parties through it. It is honest, blunt and a little bit volatile. That’s Brat”, or if one wants it a little more simply, brats focus more on having fun, embracing their community and “unapologetically embracing individuality”.

Seeking to capitalise on this pop culture endorsement, the Harris campaign swung into action, with a lime green rebrand among other components, bringing me to the disturbing lack of policy available to the public from the Harris campaign, something a growing number of publications have sought to reframe as refreshing, reinvigorating and intentionally vague.

If you have no idea what any of this means for a future Harris administration, don’t worry, you’re not alone. I haven’t been able to decode it either and frankly, with every attempt to understand the vacuous nature of this “vibes-based” position, I have actively felt brain cells die.

This vague policy position also brings the Harris into direct conflict with the growing and increasingly powerful activist arm of the Democratic Party, which has been increasingly mobilised by the ongoing conflict in Gaza and what are perceived by many as the consent of the Biden administration for the Israeli response and actions against Palestinian civilians.

While by now we’re all in no doubt familiar with the pro-Palestinian encampments and protests on both Australian and US university campuses, it has presented a major challenge for the Democratic Party, something that was clearly on display during the DNC last week as protests erupted, something our own ABC highlighted speaking to Nima Homami, who said, “Her political career, if you trace it, she has received heavy backing from many of the same Zionist donors who are backing Joe Biden. I don’t know, honestly, if the Democrats will ever listen. It feels like there’s just too much money involved.”

Bringing me to my most serious and final concern, that is, in Harris’ attempts to distance herself from her record as the Vice President during the Biden years, this will force her hand as she seeks to look strong and decisive, something she eluded to in her address to the DNC, saying, “That America, not China, wins the competition for the 21st century and that we strengthen, not abdicate, our global leadership ... I will never hesitate to take whatever action is necessary to defend our forces and our interests against Iran and Iran-backed terrorists. I will not cozy up to tyrants and dictators like Kim Jong-un, who are rooting for Trump. Who are rooting for Trump.”

If one takes these words of defiance, combined with Harris’ desire to distance herself from the foreign and security policy failures of the Biden administration to their logical conclusion, it only leaves one course of action if the United States is provoked.

Final thoughts

Regardless of who wins the race to the White House in November, both the United States and the broader globe are going to be changed irrevocably, with the impacts of a divided US both wide ranging and almost certainly permanent.

Domestically, the United States will remain divided, regardless of who is elected, with both sides, no doubt, questioning the legitimacy of the result, which only presents an image of weakness to the world, both friend and foe alike.

As Michael Corleone tells his brother Fredo in Francis Ford Coppola’s masterpiece The Godfather, “Don’t ever take sides with anyone against the family again” and this holds true in the case of the US post-November, as the outcome will no doubt see the family feud in full swing.

This ultimately leaves the world and the Indo-Pacific in an even more precarious position than ever before, but it also serves as a much-needed wake-up call on both sides of the Pacific, particularly for Australia.

In the first instance, it reminds Australian policymakers that we are one “family” and we have to be united in facing the challenges and opportunities. It also reminds America that sometimes, it’s OK to be a little insular while you do some therapy to get yourself sorted (that also means hitting the gym and getting your economy, debt and military back in fighting weight).

This will also no doubt embolden current and potential adversaries who may seek to take advantage of the distracted lion as he struggles to focus his attention against the circling hyenas, presenting significant challenges for Australia and our way of life in particular.

Get involved with the discussion and let us know your thoughts on Australia’s future role and position in the Indo-Pacific region and what you would like to see from Australia’s political leaders in terms of partisan and bipartisan agenda setting in the comments section below or get in touch at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. or at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..

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