iscover
Like a girlfriend with an anxious attachment style, Australia has once again (and perhaps predictably) responded to US President Trump’s accelerating and unapologetic America First agenda in a reductionist manner where we undoubtedly lose, rather than looking at it for what it is: A wake-up call from a tired, overstretched ally.
For those who aren’t aware, an “anxious attachment style” – one of the three insecure attachment styles recognised in psychology – is characterised by “low self-esteem, strong fear of rejection or abandonment and clinginess in relationships” and often stems from an anxious ambivalent attachment in children that develops as a result of misattunement and/or inconsistent parenting.
On each of those metrics, I think most Australians with an even basic understanding of our history of international engagement and relations would agree that at a national level and in the global context, we are well and truly crippled by this “anxious attachment style”.
We have and continue to see elements of this play out, from our cultural “tall poppy syndrome” whenever an Australian gets “too big” for their own good, taking risks and enjoys success, to the national anxiety following the collapse of British power in the East following the fall of Singapore in 1942 which saw Australia scrambling to find a new “great and powerful friend” from across the Pacific.
This anxiousness and pathological fear of abandonment continued to play out in the aftermath of the Second World War, as Australia rapidly moved to “lock down” the United States via the Australia, New Zealand and United States (ANZUS) Security Treaty in 1951 and jumping at every opportunity to “pay into” the insurance scheme during the 20th century, joining America in every one of its major conflagrations.
But what does this have to do with the second Trump administration and the latest incarnation of its unashamedly “America First” agenda?
Before diving into this however, it is important to understand that when times were “good”, particularly immediately following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the apparent ultimate triumph of the liberal democratic model and corresponding “End of History”, Australia could effectively mask its “anxious attachment style” and masquerade as the girlfriend with a “secure attachment style” while reaping the benefits of a new “stable” global order.
Against this backdrop, it is easy to understand why many in Australia’s political, policy and media commentariat joined their global counterparts in decrying the first Trump administration’s initial forays into its “America First” agenda and disruption of the post-Second World War economic, political and strategic order, which Trump and an increasing number of Americans felt was failing them.
Indeed, we even saw former Australian foreign minister Alexander Downer become embroiled in the 2016 FBI investigation into the alleged links between the Trump campaign and foreign influence, particularly Russia, potentially risking Australia’s most important relationship as a result of Trump’s disruptive approach to alliances and multilateral institutions writ large.
Yet despite all of this, the world continued to devolve into an increasingly volatile, competitive and contested environment, characterised by the rise of China, Russia, India and a host of other rising powers that seek to fulfil their own unique ambitions and designs for a global order, which, conveniently enough, they also believe no longer suits their broader economic, political and strategic aspirations.
The nation’s strategic anxiety and fear of abandonment has once again been dialled up to 11, as the recently returned US President has hinted at a universal tariff of 25 per cent on all steel and aluminium imports into the United States, regardless of the existing trade agreements, relationships and importantly, trade surpluses, setting a cat among the pigeons, leaving Australian policymakers scrambling.
Predictably much, if not virtually, all of the commentary has focused heavily of the negatives and the fallout of Trump’s second administration and its agenda, which has only served to further exacerbate the nation’s long-standing cultural “fear of abandonment” and national “anxious attachment style”. But what if, Trump’s “America First” agenda wasn’t all doom and gloom?
Because that is precisely, in a roundabout way exactly what Trump is trying to achieve by being so hard on allies.
A case of tough love
For people who are familiar with Trump’s approach to his children, he has always been particularly tough and demanding on each of them, for his grandchildren, the same holds true.
Indeed, during the lead-up to the 2024 election, I watched an interview with his granddaughter and champion golfer Kai talking about her experience of playing golf with her grandfather and the lengths he will go to to throw her off her game in an effort to toughen her up and make her more resilient to the sticks and stones the world will throw at her.
Now many will accuse me of being charitable for saying this, but it is this tough love approach that Donald Trump is seeking to re-enact with key allies in Europe and the across the Western Pacific with the ensuing economic benefits for the US a happy coincidence that plays to the core of the Trump agenda and messaging.
What is my basis for this? Look at all major US-aligned European partners and they’re in varying degrees of decline, with Germany, France and the United Kingdom undergoing varying degrees of rapid de-industrialisation and economic stagnation, only made worse by fragmenting social cohesion and other structural issues that undermine the efficacy of multilateral organs like NATO.
In the Pacific, US allies like Japan, South Korea and Australia each have their own issues that are undermining their own capacity to support the United States and a global order that is not only “obsolete” but is increasingly a “weapon being used against us”, as described by new Secretary of State Marco Rubio, because the organs and institutions that we are going to great pains to defend are increasingly revealing themselves to be hostile to the nations so invested in their continuity.
However, in order to deliver on this, Australia, in particular, requires a significant overhaul and reorientation of the way in which we go about policy making domestically. Importantly, this means respecting not only the mandate that President Trump has but also the policies with a uniquely Australian flavour to provide an “Australia First” agenda to not only respond to America’s competitive tension, but more importantly, the competitive environment we currently face.
Controversial I know, but anyone who has raised kids knows, the best way to get results is with a serious case of tough love.
Final thoughts
Despite the rhetoric and lofty ambition highlighted by both sides of the political debate, this all paints a fairly gloomy picture for the average Australian, no matter the demographic group in which they fall, but especially the younger generations.
Declining economic opportunity, coupled with the rapidly deteriorating global and regional balance of power and the increased politicisation of every aspect of contemporary life, only serves to exacerbate the very reality of disconnection, apathy and helplessness felt by many Australians.
This attitude is only serving to be compounded and creates a growing sentiment that we are speeding towards a predestined outcome, thus disempowering the Australian people and, to a lesser extent, policymakers, as we futilely confront seemingly insurmountable challenges with little to no benefit and at a high-risk/reward calculation.
Taking into account the costs and implications, it is therefore easy to understand why so many Australians, both in the general public and within our decision-making circles, seem to have checked out and are quite happy to allow the nation to continue to limp along in mediocrity because, well, it is easier than having lofty ambitions.
If both Australian policymakers and the Australian public don’t snap out of the comforting security blanket that is the belief in the “End of History”, the nation will continue to rapidly face an uncomfortable and increasingly dangerous new reality, where we truly are no longer the masters of our own destiny.
Our economic resilience, capacity and competitiveness will prove equally as critical to the success in the new world power paradigm as that of the United States, the United Kingdom or Europe and we need to begin to recognise the opportunities presented before us.
Expanding and enhancing the opportunities available to Australians while building critical economic resilience, and as a result, deterrence to economic coercion, should be the core focus of the government because only when our economy is strong can we ensure that we can deter aggression towards the nation or our interests.
Get involved with the discussion and let us know your thoughts on Australia’s future role and position in the Indo-Pacific region and what you would like to see from Australia’s political leaders in terms of partisan and bipartisan agenda setting in the comments section below, or get in touch at
